How Did Northern Migration Impact Black Families and Communities?

African-American migration from Southern US between 1916 and 1970

Great migration

Role of the Nadir of American race relations
Map of the black population in the United States from 1900 U.S. Census
Date	1916–1970
Location	The states
Too known as	Great N Migration Black Migration
Crusade	Poor economic conditions Racial segregation in the The states: Jim Crow economic system Jim Crow laws Lynching in the United States
Participants	virtually 6,000,000 African Americans
Outcome	Demographic shifts across the U.S. Improved living weather condition for African-Americans

The Great Migration, sometimes known as the Great North Migration or the Blackness Migration, was the movement of six million African Americans out of the rural Southern United States to the urban Northeast, Midwest and West that occurred betwixt 1916 and 1970.^[ane] It was caused primarily past the poor economic conditions as well as the prevalent racial segregation and bigotry in the Southern states where Jim Crow laws were upheld.^{[2] [iii]} The historic modify brought by the migration was amplified considering the migrants, for the most part, moved to the and so-largest cities in the United states of america (New York Urban center, Chicago, Detroit, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Baltimore, and Washington, D.C.) at a time when those cities had a central cultural, social, political, and economic influence over the U.s..^[four] There, African Americans established influential communities of their ain.^[4] Co-ordinate to Isabel Wilkerson, the migrants and the children of the migration put the lie to the limiting ideology of Jim Crow, and exclusion. Despite, for many, the real sadness in leaving the South, and all the barriers faced by the migrants in their new homes, the migration was an act of individual and collective agency, which changed the grade of American history, a "announcement of independence" written by their actions.^[5]

From the earliest U.S. population statistics in 1780 until 1910, more than than 90% of the African-American population lived in the American South,^{[half dozen] [7] [eight]} making up the majority of the population in three Southern states, viz. Louisiana (until near 1890^[ix]), Due south Carolina (until the 1920s^[10]), and Mississippi (until the 1930s^[11]). But by the terminate of the Groovy Migration, but over one-half of the African-American population lived in the South, while a petty less than half lived in the North and West.^[12] Moreover, the African-American population had go highly urbanized. In 1900, only one-5th of African Americans in the Due south were living in urban areas.^[thirteen] Past 1960, one-half of the African Americans in the South lived in urban areas,^[thirteen] and by 1970, more than than 80% of African Americans nationwide lived in cities.^[14] In 1991, Nicholas Lemann wrote:

The Great Migration was one of the largest and most rapid mass internal movements in history—perhaps the greatest not caused by the immediate threat of execution or starvation. In sheer numbers, it outranks the migration of any other ethnic group—Italians or Irish gaelic or Jews or Poles—to the U.s.a.. For Black people, the migration meant leaving what had ever been their economic and social base in America and finding a new one.^[xv]

Some historians differentiate between a commencement Great Migration (1916–40), which saw about ane.6 million people motion from generally rural areas in the Southward to northern industrial cities, and a Second Groovy Migration (1940–lxx), which began after the Great Depression and brought at least v million people—including many townspeople with urban skills—to the North and W.^[16]

Since the Civil Rights Movement, the trend has reversed, with more African-Americans moving to the South—admitting far more slowly. Dubbed the New Great Migration, these moves were generally spurred by the economical difficulties of cities in the Northeastern and Midwestern U.s., growth of jobs in the "New South" and its lower cost of living, family and kinship ties, and lessening discrimination at the hands of white people.^[17]

Causes [edit]

The Arthur family arrived at Chicago's Polk Street Depot on August thirty, 1920, during the Great Migration.^[xviii]

The principal factors for migration among southern African Americans were segregation, indentured servitude, convict leasing, an increase in the spread of racist ideology, widespread lynching (nearly 3,500 African Americans were lynched between 1882 and 1968^[19]), and lack of social and economic opportunities in the South. Some factors pulled migrants to the north, such as labor shortages in northern factories brought nearly by World War I, resulting in thousands of jobs in steel mills, railroads, meatpacking plants, and the automobile industry.^[xx] The pull of jobs in the north was strengthened by the efforts of labor agents sent past northern businessmen to recruit southern workers.^[xx] Northern companies offered special incentives to encourage Black workers to relocate, including gratuitous transportation and low-price housing.^[21]

During World War I, there was a decline in European immigrants, which caused Northern factories to experience the impact of a low supply of workers. Around ane.2 meg European immigrants arrived during 1914 while just 300,000 arrived the adjacent year. The enlistment of workers into the armed services had besides affected the labor supply. This created a wartime opportunity in the North for African Americans, equally the Northern industry sought a new labor supply in the Due south.^[22]

There were many advantages for Northern jobs compared to Southern jobs including wages that could be double or more. Sharecropping, agricultural depression, the widespread infestation of the boll weevil, and flooding also provided motives for African Americans to motility into the Northern Cities. The lack of social opportunities from Jim Crow laws also motivated African Americans to drift Northward.^[22]

Beginning Smashing Migration (1910–1940) [edit]

When the Emancipation Proclamation was signed in 1863, less than viii percent of the African-American population lived in the Northeastern or Midwestern United States.^[23] This began to change over the next decade; by 1880, migration was underway to Kansas. The U.Southward. Senate ordered an investigation into information technology.^[24] In 1900, about 90 percentage of Black Americans nevertheless lived in Southern states.^[23]

Between 1910 and 1930, the African-American population increased by about xl percent in Northern states as a event of the migration, mostly in the major cities. The cities of Philadelphia, Detroit, Chicago, Cleveland, Baltimore, and New York City had some of the biggest increases in the early on part of the twentieth century. Tens of thousands of Black workers were recruited for industrial jobs, such as positions related to the expansion of the Pennsylvania Railroad. Considering changes were full-bodied in cities, which had besides attracted millions of new or recent European immigrants, tensions rose every bit the people competed for jobs and scarce housing. Tensions were often well-nigh astringent between indigenous Irish, defending their recently gained positions and territory, and recent immigrants and Blackness people.^{[ commendation needed ]}

Tensions and violence [edit]

With the migration of African Americans Northward and the mixing of White and Black workers in factories, the tension was building, largely driven by White workers. The AFL, the American Federation of Labor, advocated the separation between White and African Americans in the workplace. In that location were non-violent protests such as walk-outs in protest of having African Americans and White working together. As tension was building due to advocating for segregation in the workplace, violence soon erupted.^[25]

In 1917, the East St Louis Illinois Anarchism, known for one of the bloodiest workplace riots, had between xl and 200 killed and over 6000 African Americans displaced from their homes. The NAACP, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, responded to the violence with a march known every bit the Silent March. Over 10,000 African American men and women demonstrated in Harlem, New York. Conflicts continued post World War I, every bit African Americans connected to face conflicts and tension while the African American labor activism continued.^[25]

In the late summer and autumn of 1919, racial tensions became vehement and came to exist known as the Crimson Summer. This period of time was defined by violence and prolonged rioting between Blackness Americans and whites in major United States cities.^[26] The reasons for this violence vary. Cities that were affected past the violence included Washington D.C., Chicago, Omaha, Knoxville, Tennessee, and Elaine, Arkansas, a small rural boondocks lxx miles (110 km) southwest of Memphis.^[27]

The race riots peaked in Chicago, with the almost violence and death occurring in that location during the riots.^[28] The authors of The Negro in Chicago; a study of race relations and a race riot, an official written report from 1922 on race relations in Chicago, came to the determination that there were many factors that led to the violent outbursts in Chicago. Principally, many Black workers had assumed the jobs of white men who went to get fight in Globe War I. Equally the state of war ended in 1918, many men returned habitation to find out their jobs had been taken by Black men who were willing to piece of work for far less.^[27]

Past the time the rioting and violence had subsided in Chicago, 38 people had lost their lives, with 500 more injured. Additionally, $250,000 worth of property was destroyed, and over a thousand persons were left homeless.^[29] In other cities across the nation many more had been affected by the violence of the Cherry Summertime. The Red Summer enlightened many to the growing racial tension in America. The violence in these major cities prefaced the before long to follow Harlem Renaissance, an African-American cultural revolution, in the 1920s.^[28] Racial violence appeared once again in Chicago in the 1940s and in Detroit every bit well as other cities in the Northeast as racial tensions over housing and employment discrimination grew.

Continued migration [edit]

James Gregory calculates decade-by-decade migration volumes in his book The Southern Diaspora. Black migration picked up from the start of the new century, with 204,000 leaving in the first decade. The pace accelerated with the outbreak of Earth War I and continued through the 1920s. By 1930, there were one.3 million former southerners living in other regions.^{[30] : 22}

The Great Depression wiped out job opportunities in the northern industrial belt, particularly for African Americans, and caused a abrupt reduction in migration. In the 1930s and 1940s, increasing mechanization of agriculture virtually brought the establishment of sharecropping that had existed since the Ceremonious War to an end in the U.s. causing many landless Blackness farmers to be forced off of the land.^[31]

As a result, approximately 1.4 million Black southerners moved n or west in the 1940s, followed by one.ane million in the 1950s, and another 2.4 meg people in the 1960s and early 1970s. Past the belatedly 1970s, as deindustrialization and the Rust Belt crisis took concur, the Groovy Migration came to an end. But, in a reflection of changing economics, as well as the finish of Jim Crow laws in the 1960s and improving race relations in the S, in the 1980s and early on 1990s, more Black Americans were heading South than leaving that region.^{[32] : 12–17}

African Americans moved from the 14 states of the S, particularly Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and Georgia.^{[32] : 12}

Second Great Migration (mid 1940s–1970) [edit]

The Cracking Depression of the 1930s resulted in reduced migration because of decreased opportunities. With the defence buildup for World State of war II and with the post-war economic prosperity, migration was revived, with larger numbers of Black Americans leaving the South through the 1960s. This moving ridge of migration often resulted in overcrowding of urban areas due to exclusionary housing policies meant to keep African American families out of developing suburbs.^{[ citation needed ]}

Migration patterns [edit]

Big cities were the principal destinations of southerners throughout the two phases of the Smashing Migration. In the first phase, eight major cities attracted two-thirds of the migrants: New York and Chicago, followed in order past Philadelphia, St. Louis, Denver, Detroit, Kansas City, Pittsburgh, and Indianapolis. The Second great Blackness migration increased the populations of these cities while adding others as destinations, including the Western states. Western cities such equally Los Angeles, San Francisco, Oakland, Phoenix, Seattle, and Portland attracted African Americans in large numbers.^{[30] : 22}

There were clear migratory patterns that linked detail states and cities in the South to corresponding destinations in the Due north and Due west. Virtually half of those who migrated from Mississippi during the first Great Migration, for instance, ended up in Chicago, while those from Virginia tended to move to Philadelphia. For the most part, these patterns were related to geography, with the closest cities alluring the virtually migrants (such as Los Angeles and San Francisco receiving a disproportionate number of migrants from Texas and Louisiana). When multiple destinations were equidistant, chain migration played a larger role, with migrants post-obit the path set up by those before them.^[21]

African Americans from the Due south as well migrated to industrialized Southern cities, in improver to due north and westward to war-boom cities. There was an increase in Louisville's defense industries, making it a vital function of America'south effort into World War II and Louisville's economy. Industries ranged from producing synthetic rubber, smokeless powders, artillery shells, and vehicle parts. Many industries also converted to creating products for the state of war effort, such equally Ford Motor Company converting its found to produce war machine jeeps. The company Hillerich & Bradsby, initially made baseball bats and then converted their production into making gunstocks.^{[33] [34]}

During the war, there was a shortage of workers in the defence industry. African Americans took the opportunity to fill in the industries' missing jobs during the war, around 4.3 million intrastate migration and 2.1 million interstate migration in the Southern states. The defense industry in Louisville reached a peak of roughly over 80,000 employment. At commencement, job availability was not open for African Americans. Yet, with the growing need for jobs in the defense force industry and the Fair Employment Practices Committee sign by Franklin D. Roosevelt, the Southern industries began to accept African Americans into the workplace.^{[35] [34]}

Migration patterns reflected network ties. Blackness Americans tended to go to locations in the North where other Blackness Americans had previously migrated. Per a 2021 report, "when one randomly chosen African American moved from a Southern birth town to a destination canton, so i.9 additional Black migrants fabricated the aforementioned move on average."^[36]

Gallery [edit]

• 

  Graph showing the percent of the African-American population living in the American South, 1790–2010

• 

  The Peachy Migration shown by changes in the African-American share of populations of major U.Due south. cities, 1910–40 and 1940–70

• 

  Racially motivated murders per decade from 1865 to 1965.

Cultural changes [edit]

Subsequently moving from the racist pressures of the south to the northern states, African Americans were inspired to different kinds of creativity. The Great Migration resulted in the Harlem Renaissance, which was also fueled past immigrants from the Caribbean, and the Chicago Black Renaissance. In her book The Warmth of Other Suns, Pulitzer Prize–winning announcer Isabel Wilkerson discusses the migration of "6 one thousand thousand Black Southerners [moving] out of the terror of Jim Crow to an uncertain existence in the North and Midwest."^[37]

The struggle of African-American migrants to conform to Northern cities was the subject of Jacob Lawrence'southward Migration Series of paintings, created when he was a young man in New York.^[38] Exhibited in 1941 at the Museum of Modern Fine art, Lawrence'southward Series attracted wide attention; he was quickly perceived as one of the near important African-American artists of the time.^[39]

The Great Migration had effects on music every bit well every bit other cultural subjects. Many dejection singers migrated from the Mississippi Delta to Chicago to escape racial discrimination. Muddy Waters, Chester Burnett, and Buddy Guy are among the most well-known dejection artists who migrated to Chicago. Swell Delta-born pianist Eddie Boyd told Living Blues mag, "I thought of coming to Chicago where I could get away from some of that racism and where I would have an opportunity to, well, do something with my talent.... It wasn't peaches and foam [in Chicago], human being, but it was a hell of a lot better than down there where I was born."^[xl]

Furnishings [edit]

Demographic changes [edit]

The Great Migration drained off much of the rural Black population of the South, and for a time, froze or reduced African-American population growth in parts of the region. The migration inverse the demographics in a number of states; there were decades of Black population reject, specially across the Deep South "black belt" where cotton had been the main greenbacks ingather^{[32] : 18} — simply had been devastated past the arrival of the boll weevil.^[41] In 1910, African Americans constituted the majority of the population of S Carolina and Mississippi, and more 40 percent in Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana and Texas; past 1970, simply in Mississippi did the African-American population plant more xxx percentage of the state's full. "The disappearance of the 'blackness belt' was ane of the striking furnishings" of the Great Migration, James Gregory wrote.^{[32] : xviii}

In Mississippi, the Black American population decreased from about 56% of the population in 1910 to about 37% by 1970,^[42] remaining the majority only in some Delta counties. In Georgia, Black Americans decreased from nigh 45% of the population in 1910 to most 26% by 1970. In South Carolina, the Blackness population decreased from well-nigh 55% of the population in 1910 to about xxx% by 1970.^[42]

The growing Blackness presence outside the South inverse the dynamics and demographics of numerous cities in the Northeast, Midwest, and Westward. In 1900, only 740,000 African Americans lived exterior the Southward, but viii pct of the nation'due south total Black population. Past 1970, more than than 10.6 million African Americans lived outside the South, 47 percent of the nation'south full.^{[32] : 18}

Because the migrants concentrated in the large cities of the north and west, their influence was magnified in those places. Cities that had been about all white at the beginning of the century became centers of Blackness culture and politics past mid-century. Residential segregation and redlining led to concentrations of Blackness people in certain areas. The northern "Blackness metropolises" developed an important infrastructure of newspapers, businesses, jazz clubs, churches, and political organizations that provided the staging ground for new forms of racial politics and new forms of Black culture.

As a result of the Dandy Migration, the starting time large urban Black communities developed in northern cities beyond New York, Boston, Baltimore, Washington D.C., and Philadelphia, which had Black communities even before the Civil War, and attracted migrants afterwards the war. It is conservatively estimated that 400,000 African Americans left the South in 1916 through 1918 to take advantage of a labor shortage in industrial cities during the First World State of war.^[43]

In 1910, the African-American population of Detroit was 6,000. The Neat Migration, along with immigrants from southern and eastern Europe likewise equally their descendants, rapidly turned the city into the country's fourth-largest. By the start of the Cracking Depression in 1929, the city'south African-American population had increased to 120,000.

In 1900–01, Chicago had a total population of ane,754,473.^[44] Past 1920, the city had added more than than 1 one thousand thousand residents. During the second wave of the Smashing Migration (1940–60), the African-American population in the urban center grew from 278,000 to 813,000.

African-American youths play basketball game in Chicago's Stateway Gardens high-ascent housing project in 1973.

The flow of African Americans to Ohio, peculiarly to Cleveland, changed the demographics of the state and its main industrial city. Before the Great Migration, an estimated 1.1% to one.six% of Cleveland's population was African American.^[45] By 1920, 4.3% of Cleveland'due south population was African American.^[45] The number of African Americans in Cleveland continued to rise over the next 20 years of the Great Migration.

Other northeastern and midwestern industrial cities, such as Philadelphia, New York City, Baltimore, Pittsburgh, St. Louis, and Omaha, as well had dramatic increases in their African-American populations. Past the 1920s, New York's Harlem became a center of Blackness cultural life, influenced by the American migrants besides as new immigrants from the Caribbean surface area.^[46]

2nd-tier industrial cities that were destinations for numerous Black migrants were Buffalo, Rochester, Boston, Milwaukee, Minneapolis, Kansas City, Columbus, Cincinnati, Grand Rapids and Indianapolis, and smaller industrial cities such equally Chester, Gary, Dayton, Erie, Toledo, Youngstown, Peoria, Muskegon, Newark, Flint, Saginaw, New Oasis, and Albany. People tended to take the cheapest rail ticket possible and go to areas where they had relatives and friends.

For example, many people from Mississippi moved direct due north by train to Chicago, from Alabama to Cleveland and Detroit, from Georgia and South Carolina to New York City, Baltimore, Washington D.C. and Philadelphia, and in the 2d migration, from Texas, Louisiana, and Mississippi to Oakland, Los Angeles, Portland, Phoenix, Denver, and Seattle.^{[ citation needed ]}

Discrimination and working conditions [edit]

Educated African Americans were better able to obtain jobs after the Great Migration, somewhen gaining a measure of class mobility, simply the migrants encountered pregnant forms of discrimination. Considering so many people migrated in a brusque period of fourth dimension, the African-American migrants were frequently resented by the urban European-American working form (many of whom were recent immigrants themselves); fearing their power to negotiate rates of pay or secure employment, the ethnic whites felt threatened by the influx of new labor competition. Sometimes those who were virtually fearful or resentful were the last immigrants of the 19th and new immigrants of the 20th century.^{[ citation needed ]}

African Americans made substantial gains in industrial employment, particularly in the steel, motorcar, shipbuilding, and meatpacking industries. Between 1910 and 1920, the number of Black workers employed in industry well-nigh doubled from 500,000 to 901,000.^[43] After the Neat Low, more than advances took identify afterwards workers in the steel and meatpacking industries organized into labor unions in the 1930s and 1940s, under the interracial Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). The unions ended the segregation of many jobs, and African Americans began to accelerate into more than skilled jobs and supervisory positions previously informally reserved for whites.

Betwixt 1940 and 1960, the number of Black people in managerial and administrative occupations doubled, along with the number of Blackness people in white-collar occupations, while the number of Black agricultural workers in 1960 vicious to one-quaternary of what it was in 1940.^[48] Also, between 1936 and 1959, Black income relative to white income more doubled in diverse skilled trades.^[49] Despite employment bigotry,^[50] Black people had higher labor force participation rates than whites in every U.S. Census from 1890 to 1950.^[51] As a result of these advancements, the percentage of Black families living below the poverty line declined from 87 percentage in 1940 to 47 percent by 1960 and to xxx percentage by 1970.^[52]

Populations increased so rapidly amid both African-American migrants and new European immigrants that there were housing shortages in well-nigh major cities. With fewer resources, the newer groups were forced to compete for the oldest, about run-downwardly housing. Ethnic groups created territories which they defended against modify. Bigotry often restricted African Americans to crowded neighborhoods. The more established populations of cities tended to move to newer housing as it was developing in the outskirts. Mortgage discrimination and redlining in inner metropolis areas limited the newer African-American migrants' ability to determine their ain housing, or obtain a fair price. In the long term, the National Housing Human activity of 1934 contributed to limiting the availability of loans to urban areas, particularly those areas inhabited by African Americans.^[53]

Migrants going to Albany, New York plant poor living atmospheric condition and employment opportunities, simply also higher wages and ameliorate schools and social services. Local organizations such equally the Albany Inter-Racial Council and churches, helped them, but de facto segregation and discrimination remained well into the belatedly 20th century.^[54]

Migrants going to Pittsburgh and surrounding factory towns in western Pennsylvania between 1890 and 1930 faced racial bigotry and limited economical opportunities. The Blackness population in Pittsburgh jumped from six,000 in 1880 to 27,000 in 1910. Many took highly paid, skilled jobs in the steel mills. Pittsburgh'due south Black population increased to 37,700 in 1920 (6.4% of the full) while the Black element in Homestead, Rankin, Braddock, and others nearly doubled. They succeeded in building effective community responses that enabled the survival of new communities.^{[55] [56]} Historian Joe Trotter explains the decision process:

Although African-Americans frequently expressed their views of the Neat Migration in biblical terms and received encouragement from northern Black newspapers, railroad companies, and industrial labor agents, they as well drew upon family unit and friendship networks to aid in the movement to Western Pennsylvania. They formed migration clubs, pooled their money, bought tickets at reduced rates, and often moved ingroups. Earlier they made the determination to move, they gathered data and debated the pros and cons of the procedure....In barbershops, poolrooms, and grocery stores, in churches, club halls, and clubhouses, and in individual homes, Black people who lived in the South discussed, debated, and decided what was good and what was bad almost moving to the urban N.^[57]

Integration and segregation [edit]

White tenants seeking to preclude Black people from moving into the Sojourner Truth housing project in Detroit erected this sign, 1942

In cities such as Newark, New York and Chicago, African Americans became increasingly integrated into guild. As they lived and worked more closely with European Americans, the divide became increasingly indefinite. This menstruum marked the transition for many African Americans from lifestyles as rural farmers to urban industrial workers.^[58]

This migration gave birth to a cultural boom in cities such as Chicago and New York. In Chicago for case, the neighborhood of Bronzeville became known as the "Black Metropolis". From 1924 to 1929, the "Black Metropolis" was at the acme of its gold years. Many of the community'due south entrepreneurs were Black during this period. "The foundation of the beginning African American YMCA took place in Bronzeville, and worked to help incoming migrants find jobs in the city of Chicago."^[59]

The "Black Belt" geographical and racial isolation of this community, bordered to the north and east by whites, and to the south and westward by industrial sites and ethnic immigrant neighborhoods, made it a site for the written report of the development of an urban Black community. For urbanized people, eating proper foods in a sanitary, civilized setting such as the dwelling house or a restaurant was a social ritual that indicated 1's level of respectability. The people native to Chicago had pride in the high level of integration in Chicago restaurants, which they attributed to their unassailable manners and refined tastes.^[threescore]

Since African-American migrants retained many Southern cultural and linguistic traits, such cultural differences created a sense of "otherness" in terms of their reception by others who were already living in the cities.^[61] Stereotypes ascribed to Black people during this period and ensuing generations oft derived from African-American migrants' rural cultural traditions, which were maintained in stark contrast to the urban environments in which the people resided.^[61]

White southern reaction [edit]

The beginning of the Swell Migration exposed a paradox in race relations in the American S at that time. Although Black people were treated with extreme hostility and subjected to legal bigotry, the southern economy was securely dependent on them as an abundant supply of cheap labor, and Blackness workers were seen as the most critical factor in the economic development of the South. 1 Southward Carolina pol summed up the dilemma: "Politically speaking, there are far too many negroes, but from an industrial standpoint there is room for many more than."^[62]

When the Great Migration started in the 1910s, white southern elites seemed to be unconcerned, and industrialists and cotton fiber planters saw it every bit a positive, every bit information technology was siphoning off surplus industrial and agricultural labor. As the migration picked up, however, southern elites began to panic, fearing that a prolonged Black exodus would bankrupt the Southward, and newspaper editorials warned of the danger. White employers somewhen took notice and began expressing their fears. White southerners soon began trying to stem the menses in order to prevent the hemorrhaging of their labor supply, and some even began attempting to address the poor living standards and racial oppression experienced by Southern Black people in order to induce them to stay.

As a result, southern employers increased their wages to friction match those on offer in the Due north, and some individual employers fifty-fifty opposed the worst excesses of Jim Crow laws. When the measures failed to stalk the tide, white southerners, in concert with federal officials who feared the rise of Black nationalism, co-operated in attempting to coerce Black people to stay in the South. The Southern Metal Trades Clan urged decisive action to stop Black migration, and some employers undertook serious efforts confronting it.^{[62] [63]}

The largest southern steel manufacturer refused to greenbacks checks sent to finance Black migration, efforts were fabricated to restrict motorcoach and train access for Black Americans, agents were stationed in northern cities to report on wage levels, unionization, and the ascension of Black nationalism, and newspapers were pressured to divert more coverage to negative aspects of Blackness life in the North. A series of local and federal directives were put into place with the goal of restricting Black mobility, including local vagrancy ordinances, "piece of work or fight" laws demanding all males either be employed or serve in the regular army, and conscription orders. Intimidation and beatings were as well used to terrorize Black people into staying.^{[62] [63]} These intimidation tactics were described by Secretarial assistant of Labor William B. Wilson as interfering with "the natural correct of workers to movement from identify to identify at their ain discretion".^[64]

During the wave of migration that took identify in the 1940s, white southerners were less concerned, equally mechanization of agriculture in the belatedly 1930s had resulted in another labor surplus so southern planters put upwards less resistance.^[62]

Black Americans were non the only grouping to leave the South for Northern industrial opportunities. Large numbers of poor whites from Appalachia and the Upland South made the journey to the Midwest and Northeast after World State of war 2, a phenomenon known equally the Hillbilly Highway.

In popular culture [edit]

The Dandy Migration is a backdrop of the 2013 film The Butler, as the Forest Whitaker character Cecil Gaines moves from a plantation in Georgia to get a butler at the White House.^[65] The Nifty Migration also served as office of August Wilson's inspiration for The Piano Lesson.^[66]

Statistics [edit]

African Americans as a Pct of the Total Population Past U.S. Region (1900–1980)^{[67] [68] [69]}

Region	1900	1910	1920	1930	1940	1950	1960	1970	1980	Alter in the Blackness Pct of the Full Population Between 1900 and 1980
The states	eleven.6%	10.7%	9.9%	9.7%	nine.8%	x.0%	10.5%	11.1%	11.7%	+0.1%
Northeast	i.8%	1.nine%	2.three%	three.iii%	3.8%	v.ane%	6.viii%	8.9%	9.9%	+8.one%
Midwest	1.ix%	1.eight%	ii.3%	iii.3%	3.5%	5.0%	6.7%	viii.1%	9.1%	+7.two%
South	32.3%	29.viii%	26.ix%	24.7%	23.viii%	21.seven%	twenty.half-dozen%	19.ane%	18.6%	-19.7%
West	0.seven%	0.7%	0.9%	1.0%	1.2%	2.9%	three.nine%	4.ix%	v.ii%	+4.5%

African Americans as a Percent of the Total Population By U.S. State (1900–1980)^{[67] [68] [69]}

State	Region	1900	1910	1920	1930	1940	1950	1960	1970	1980	Change in the Blackness Per centum of the Total Population Between 1900 and 1980
United States	Northward/A	eleven.6%	10.7%	9.9%	ix.7%	ix.8%	ten.0%	10.v%	11.1%	11.vii%	+0.ane%
Alabama	South	45.2%	42.5%	38.4%	35.seven%	34.7%	32.0%	thirty.0%	26.2%	25.6%	-nineteen.6%
Alaska	West	0.3%	0.iii%	0.two%	0.ii%	0.two%		3.0%	three.0%	iii.four%	+3.one%
Arizona	West	ane.5%	1.0%	2.4%	two.five%	three.0%	3.five%	3.3%	3.0%	ii.viii%	+1.three%
Arkansas	South	28.0%	28.1%	27.0%	25.eight%	24.8%	22.3%	21.8%	xviii.iii%	sixteen.three%	-11.two%
California	Westward	0.7%	0.ix%	ane.one%	1.four%	1.viii%	iv.4%	v.6%	seven.0%	7.7%	+6.0%
Colorado	West	1.6%	1.4%	1.2%	1.i%	1.1%	one.v%	2.iii%	iii.0%	iii.5%	+ane.9%
Connecticut	Northeast	1.vii%	i.4%	one.5%	ane.8%	1.9%	2.7%	4.2%	6.0%	7.0%	+6.iii%
Delaware	South	16.6%	15.4%	13.six%	thirteen.7%	13.5%	13.seven%	13.vi%	xiv.3%	16.1%	-0.v%
Commune of Columbia	South	31.i%	28.v%	25.1%	27.1%	28.two%	35.0%	53.9%	71.1%	70.3%	+38.ii%
Florida	Southward	43.seven%	41.0%	34.0%	29.iv%	27.one%	21.8%	17.viii%	fifteen.3%	thirteen.8%	-29.ix%
Georgia	South	46.seven%	45.1%	41.7%	36.8%	34.7%	thirty.9%	28.5%	25.9%	26.8%	-xvi.2%
Hawaii	Westward	0.ii%	0.iv%	0.ane%	0.ii%	0.i%	0.5%	0.8%	ane.0%	one.8%	+i.6%
Idaho	Due west	0.two%	0.ii%	0.2%	0.ii%	0.1%	0.2%	0.2%	0.iii%	0.iii%	+0.ane%
Illinois	Midwest	1.8%	1.9%	two.8%	four.3%	4.ix%	7.iv%	10.3%	12.8%	14.7%	+12.9%
Indiana	Midwest	2.iii%	two.2%	two.eight%	3.5%	3.six%	iv.iv%	v.8%	6.ix%	7.half-dozen%	+5.iii%
Iowa	Midwest	0.6%	0.7%	0.8%	0.vii%	0.7%	0.8%	0.9%	one.2%	1.iv%	+i.2%
Kansas	Midwest	iii.5%	3.2%	iii.3%	iii.5%	3.half dozen%	three.viii%	4.2%	4.8%	5.three%	+1.viii%
Kentucky	Southward	13.3%	11.4%	9.8%	viii.six%	7.five%	6.ix%	7.one%	7.2%	7.1%	-6.two%
Louisiana	South	47.ane%	43.i%	38.ix%	36.9%	35.9%	32.9%	31.9%	29.8%	29.4%	-17.seven%
Maine	Northeast	0.2%	0.2%	0.2%	0.1%	0.2%	0.1%	0.3%	0.three%	0.3%	+0.1%
Maryland	Due south	19.8%	17.9%	xvi.9%	16.9%	16.half-dozen%	16.5%	xvi.7%	17.eight%	22.seven%	+one.9%
Massachusetts	Northeast	one.1%	1.1%	1.2%	i.2%	1.iii%	1.half-dozen%	two.two%	3.1%	three.9%	+two.eight%
Michigan	Midwest	0.7%	0.6%	1.6%	3.5%	4.0%	vi.ix%	9.two%	11.two%	12.9%	+12.two%
Minnesota	Midwest	0.3%	0.3%	0.four%	0.4%	0.4%	0.five%	0.7%	0.ix%	one.3%	+one.0%
Mississippi	South	58.5%	56.2%	52.2%	50.2%	49.2%	45.3%	42.0%	36.8%	35.two%	-23.iii%
Missouri	Midwest	5.two%	4.eight%	five.2%	6.2%	6.v%	7.five%	9.0%	10.3%	ten.5%	+v.3%
Montana	Westward	0.half-dozen%	0.2%	0.three%	0.two%	0.2%	0.ii%	0.two%	0.3%	0.2%	-0.4%
Nebraska	Midwest	0.half-dozen%	0.6%	ane.0%	1.0%	1.ane%	1.5%	two.ane%	2.7%	3.ane%	+2.v%
Nevada	West	0.three%	0.6%	0.4%	0.half-dozen%	0.6%	ii.7%	4.seven%	5.vii%	6.4%	+6.i%
New Hampshire	Northeast	0.2%	0.1%	0.1%	0.2%	0.1%	0.one%	0.iii%	0.iii%	0.four%	+0.2%
New Bailiwick of jersey	Northeast	3.7%	3.v%	iii.7%	5.ii%	5.5%	6.vi%	viii.5%	10.7%	12.6%	+ix.nine%
New Mexico	Due west	0.viii%	0.five%	ane.vi%	0.7%	0.nine%	1.2%	1.eight%	1.ix%	i.viii%	+1.0%
New York	Northeast	1.4%	one.5%	1.ix%	3.iii%	four.2%	half dozen.2%	viii.4%	xi.ix%	thirteen.7%	+12.3%
North Carolina	Southward	33.0%	31.six%	29.8%	29.0%	27.five%	25.eight%	24.5%	22.2%	22.4%	-ten.6%
North Dakota	West	0.ane%	0.1%	0.ane%	0.1%	0.0%	0.0%	0.1%	0.4%	0.4%	+0.three%
Ohio	Midwest	two.3%	2.3%	iii.2%	4.7%	4.ix%	6.5%	8.1%	nine.1%	10.0%	+vii.seven%
Oklahoma	South	seven.0%	8.three%	vii.4%	7.two%	7.2%	half-dozen.5%	6.six%	6.seven%	6.8%	-0.2%
Oregon	West	0.three%	0.ii%	0.3%	0.2%	0.2%	0.8%	i.0%	1.three%	1.4%	+one.1%
Pennsylvania	Northeast	2.5%	2.v%	3.3%	four.5%	iv.seven%	half-dozen.1%	7.5%	8.6%	8.8%	+6.iii%
Rhode Island	Northeast	2.ane%	1.8%	i.7%	1.4%	1.5%	1.8%	2.i%	2.7%	2.9%	+0.8%
South Carolina	South	58.iv%	55.2%	51.iv%	45.6%	42.ix%	38.8%	34.8%	xxx.v%	30.4%	-28.0%
S Dakota	West	0.ane%	0.1%	0.1%	0.1%	0.1%	0.1%	0.2%	0.2%	0.3%	+0.2%
Tennessee	South	23.8%	21.7%	xix.3%	18.iii%	17.four%	sixteen.1%	16.v%	15.8%	xv.8%	-8.0%
Texas	South	xx.4%	17.vii%	15.9%	14.seven%	xiv.4%	12.vii%	12.4%	12.5%	12.0%	-8.0%
Utah	West	0.ii%	0.3%	0.three%	0.2%	0.2%	0.4%	0.5%	0.six%	0.6%	+0.4%
Vermont	Northeast	0.2%	0.5%	0.ii%	0.2%	0.1%	0.1%	0.ane%	0.2%	0.2%	+0.0%
Virginia	Southward	35.6%	32.half dozen%	29.9%	26.8%	24.seven%	22.1%	20.6%	18.5%	eighteen.9%	-16.vii%
Washington	Due west	0.5%	0.five%	0.5%	0.four%	0.4%	1.3%	1.seven%	ii.1%	2.half dozen%	+two.1%
West Virginia	Due south	4.5%	5.3%	five.9%	6.6%	6.2%	5.seven%	4.8%	three.nine%	3.three%	-1.ii%
Wisconsin	Midwest	0.1%	0.1%	0.two%	0.iv%	0.4%	0.8%	1.ix%	2.ix%	three.9%	+iii.8%
Wyoming	West	one.0%	1.5%	0.seven%	0.6%	0.iv%	0.9%	0.7%	0.eight%	0.vii%	-0.3%

African Americans as a Percentage of the Population Past Large U.S. Cities (Those With a Peak Population of 500,000 or More by 1990) Outside of the Former Confederacy^{[70] [71]}

City	1900	1910	1920	1930	1940	1950	1960	1970	1980	1990	Change in the Black Percentage of the Total Population Between 1900 and 1990
Phoenix, Arizona	2.7%	2.9%	3.vii%	4.9%	6.v%	4.9%	4.8%	four.eight%	four.8%	5.ii%	+2.5%
Los Angeles, California	two.i%	two.4%	2.vii%	3.one%	iv.2%	viii.7%	xiii.5%	17.9%	17.0%	14.0%	+eleven.nine%
San Diego, California	one.eight%	ane.five%	1.3%	1.viii%	2.0%	4.5%	half-dozen.0%	7.half dozen%	eight.9%	9.4%	+7.6%
San Francisco, California	0.v%	0.4%	0.five%	0.half-dozen%	0.eight%	5.6%	10.0%	13.4%	12.7%	10.9%	+10.4%
San Jose, California	one.0%	0.half-dozen%	0.5%	0.iv%	0.iv%	0.6%	1.0%	2.five%	iv.6%	4.7%	+3.seven%
Denver, Colorado	2.9%	two.5%	2.4%	2.5%	2.4%	3.6%	6.1%	9.1%	12.0%	12.eight%	+nine.9%
Washington, Commune of Columbia	31.1%	28.five%	25.i%	27.one%	28.2%	35.0%	53.9%	71.i%	lxx.iii%	65.viii%	+34.seven%
Chicago, Illinois	1.8%	2.0%	four.1%	half-dozen.9%	viii.2%	13.6%	22.ix%	32.7%	39.8%	39.ane%	+37.3%
Indianapolis, Indiana	9.4%	ix.3%	11.0%	12.1%	13.2%	xv.0%	20.vi%	18.0%	21.8%	22.6%	+13.2%
Baltimore, Maryland	15.6%	fifteen.2%	14.8%	17.seven%	xix.3%	23.vii%	34.7%	46.4%	54.eight%	59.2%	+43.half-dozen%
Boston, Massachusetts	2.i%	2.0%	two.2%	ii.half dozen%	3.1%	five.0%	nine.i%	sixteen.3%	22.four%	25.6%	+23.v%
Detroit, Michigan	1.4%	1.2%	4.1%	seven.seven%	9.ii%	xvi.ii%	28.9%	43.7%	63.1%	75.7%	+74.3%
Minneapolis, Minnesota	0.8%	0.9%	one.0%	0.9%	0.9%	1.iii%	2.4%	4.4%	7.7%	thirteen.0%	+12.2%
Kansas Metropolis, Missouri	ten.7%	9.v%	9.5%	9.vi%	ten.4%	12.ii%	17.five%	22.1%	27.4%	29.6%	+18.9%
St. Louis, Missouri	6.2%	vi.4%	9.0%	xi.four%	xiii.3%	17.9%	28.half-dozen%	40.9%	45.6%	47.5%	+41.3%
Buffalo, New York	0.5%	0.4%	0.ix%	2.4%	3.1%	six.3%	thirteen.3%	xx.4%	26.6%	30.7%	+30.2%
New York, New York	ane.8%	1.9%	2.7%	4.7%	6.1%	9.5%	14.0%	21.1%	25.2%	28.7%	+26.9%
Cincinnati, Ohio	4.4%	5.4%	vii.v%	10.6%	12.2%	15.5%	21.6%	27.half dozen%	33.eight%	37.9%	+33.five%
Cleveland, Ohio	i.six%	i.five%	four.3%	8.0%	9.vi%	sixteen.2%	28.six%	38.3%	43.viii%	46.half dozen%	+45.0%
Columbus, Ohio	6.5%	7.0%	9.4%	11.3%	11.7%	12.4%	16.4%	18.5%	22.1%	22.6%	+16.one%
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania	4.viii%	5.5%	7.4%	xi.3%	xiii.0%	eighteen.two%	26.4%	33.vi%	37.8%	39.9%	+35.1%
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania	5.three%	4.8%	vi.4%	eight.two%	9.3%	12.2%	16.7%	20.2%	24.0%	25.8%	+20.5%
Seattle, Washington	0.5%	one.0%	0.9%	0.nine%	1.0%	3.four%	4.viii%	7.1%	nine.5%	10.i%	+ix.vi%
Milwaukee, Wisconsin	0.3%	0.3%	0.5%	1.3%	one.5%	three.4%	8.4%	xiv.7%	23.1%	thirty.5%	+xxx.two%

African Americans every bit a Pct of the Population Past Large U.S. Cities (Those With a Peak Population of 500,000 or More than by 1990) Inside the Former Confederacy^{[70] [71]}

City	1900	1910	1920	1930	1940	1950	1960	1970	1980	1990	Change in the Black Percentage of the Total Population Between 1900 and 1990
Jacksonville, Florida	57.one%	l.viii%	45.3%	37.2%	35.vii%	35.4%	41.1%	22.3%	25.4%	25.two%	-31.9%
New Orleans, Louisiana	27.1%	26.3%	26.ane%	28.3%	30.1%	31.9%	37.2%	45.0%	55.3%	61.9%	+34.viii%
Memphis, Tennessee	48.eight%	xl.0%	37.vii%	38.1%	41.five%	37.2%	37.0%	38.9%	47.6%	54.8%	+6.0%
Dallas, Texas	21.2%	19.6%	15.1%	fourteen.9%	17.1%	13.ane%	xix.0%	24.nine%	29.four%	29.5%	+eight.three%
El Paso, Texas	ii.9%	iii.7%	1.7%	1.8%	two.3%	two.4%	ii.ane%	two.iii%	3.2%	3.4%	+0.5%
Houston, Texas	32.seven%	thirty.4%	24.6%	21.7%	22.iv%	twenty.ix%	22.nine%	25.seven%	27.6%	28.ane%	-four.half dozen%
San Antonio, Texas	fourteen.1%	xi.one%	8.9%	7.viii%	7.vi%	7.0%	vii.1%	seven.6%	vii.3%	vii.0%	-7.1%

• 

  A map of the black per centum of the U.S. population past each state/territory in 1900.
  Black = 35.00+%
  Dark-brown = 20.00-34.99%
  Cherry = x.00-nineteen.99%
  Orangish = five.00-nine.99%
  Calorie-free orangish = 1.00-4.99%
  Grayness = 0.99% or less
  Magenta = No data bachelor

• 

  A map of the black percentage of the U.S. population by each state/territory in 1990.
  Blackness = 35.00+%
  Brown = 20.00–34.99%
  Crimson = 10.00–xix.99%
  Orange = five.00–nine.99%
  Light orangish = one.00–4.99%
  Gray = 0.99% or less
  Pink = No data available

• 

  A map showing the change in the total Black population (in percentage) betwixt 1900 and 1990 by U.S. country.
  Light majestic = Population decline
  Very light green = Population growth of 0.01–9.99%
  Light green = Population growth of 10.00–99.99%
  Green = Population growth of 100.00–999.99%
  Dark green = Population growth of i,000.00–9,999.99%
  Very dark dark-green (or Black) = Population growth of 10,000.00% or more
  Magenta = No data available

New Great Migration [edit]

After the political and ceremonious gains of the Ceremonious Rights Motion, in the 1970s migration began to increase over again. It moved in a unlike direction, every bit Blackness people traveled to new regions of the South for economical opportunity.^{[72] [73]}

See also [edit]

• 1912 Racial Conflict of Forsyth Canton, Georgia
• Exodusters
• Historical racial and ethnic demographics of the Usa
• White flight
• Living for the City
• Hillbilly Highway
• Urban Appalachians
• African American settlements in Western Canada
• Back to Africa move

Footnotes [edit]

1. ^ Great Migration – Black History – HISTORY.com, History.com, retrieved Apr 9, 2017
2. ^ "The Bang-up Migration" (PDF). Smithsonian American Art Museum.
3. ^ Wilkerson, Isabel. "The Long-Lasting Legacy of the Great Migration". Smithsonian . Retrieved October 3, 2019.
4. ^ ^{a b} Gregory, James. "Black Urban center". America's Groovy Migrations Projects. Academy of Washington. Retrieved March 25, 2021. (with excepts from, Gregory, James. The Southern Diaspora: How the Great Migrations of Black and White Southerners Transformed America, Chapter 4: Blackness Metropolis (University of North Carolina Printing, 2005)
5. ^ Wilkerson, Isabel (September 2016). "The Long-Lasting Legacy of the Great Migration". Smithsonian Magazine . Retrieved July 31, 2021.
6. ^ Purvis, Thomas L. (1999). Balkin, Richard (ed.). Colonial America to 1763. New York: Facts on File. pp. 128–129. ISBN978-0816025275.
7. ^ "Colonial and Pre-Federal Statistics" (PDF). Usa Census Bureau. p. 1168.
8. ^ Gibson, Campbell; Jung, Kay (September 2002). HISTORICAL Census STATISTICS ON POPULATION TOTALS BY RACE, 1790 TO 1990, AND By HISPANIC ORIGIN, 1970 TO 1990, FOR THE United states of america, REGIONS, DIVISIONS, AND STATES (PDF) (Written report). Population Partitioning Working Papers. Vol. 56. United states of america Demography Bureau.
9. ^ "Table 33. Louisiana – Race and Hispanic Origin: 1810 to 1990" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on March 27, 2010.
10. ^ "Race and Hispanic Origin for States" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on February 7, 2014. Retrieved June 24, 2013.
11. ^ "Tabular array 39. Mississippi – Race and Hispanic Origin: 1800 to 1990" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on March 27, 2010.
12. ^ "The Second Great Migration", The African American Migration Feel, New York Public Library, archived from the original on March 12, 2020, retrieved January 17, 2017
13. ^ ^{a b} Taeuber, Karl Due east.; Taeuber, Alma F. (1966), "The Negro Population in the United states of america", in Davis, John P. (ed.), The American Negro Reference Book, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, p. 122
14. ^ "The 2d Not bad Migration", The African American Migration Experience, New York Public Library, archived from the original on March 12, 2020, retrieved March 23, 2016
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56. ^ Joe W. Trotter, and Eric Ledell Smith, eds. African Americans in Pennsylvania: Shifting Historical Perspectives (Penn Land Printing, 2010).
57. ^ Trotter, "Reflections on the Neat Migration to Western Pennsylvania," p 154.
58. ^ Black exodus : the great migration from the American South. Harrison, Alferdteen. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi. 1991. ISBN9781604738216. OCLC 775352334. {{cite volume}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
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60. ^ Poe, Tracy N. (1999). "The Origins of Soul Food in Blackness Urban Identity: Chicago, 1915-1947," American Studies International. XXXVII No. 1 (February)
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Farther reading [edit]

• Carl Zimmer, "Tales of African-American History Establish in Deoxyribonucleic acid", New York Times, May 27, 2016
• Arnesen, Eric (2002). Blackness Protest and the Great Migration: A Cursory History with Documents. Bedford: St. Martin's Printing. ISBN0-312-39129-3.
• Baldwin, Davarian L. Chicago'south New Negroes: Modernity, the Great Migration, & Black Urban Life (Univ of North Carolina Press, 2007)
• Collins, William J. (November 13, 2020). "The Great Migration of Black Americans from the U.s.a. Due south: A Guide and Interpretation". Explorations in Economic History
• DeSantis, Alan D. "Selling the American dream myth to black southerners: The Chicago Defender and the Keen Migration of 1915–1919." Western Journal of Communication (1998) 62#4 pp: 474–511. online
• Dove, Rita (1986). Thomas and Beulah. Carnegie Mellon University Press. ISBN0-88748-021-7.
• Grossman, James R. (1991). Land of Hope: Chicago, Black Southerners, and the Corking Migration . Chicago: Academy of Chicago Press. ISBN0-226-30995-9.
• Holley, Donald. The Second Great Emancipation: The Mechanical Cotton wool Picker, Blackness Migration, and How They Shaped the Modern S (University of Arkansas Printing, 2000)
• Lemann, Nicholas (1991). The Promised State: The Great Black Migration and How Information technology Changed America. Vintage Press. ISBN0-679-73347-7.
• Marks, Carole. Good day--Nosotros're Good and Gone: the swell Blackness migration (Indiana Univ Press, 1989)
• Reich, Steven A. ed. The Great Blackness Migration: A Historical Encyclopedia of the American Mosaic (2014), one-volume abridged version of 2006 three volume set; Topical entries plus primary sources
• Rodgers, Lawrence Richard. Canaan Bound: The African-American Great Migration Novel (University of Illinois Press, 1997)
• Sernett, Milton (1997). Bound for the Promised Land: African Americans' Religion and the Great Migration. Duke University Press. ISBN0-8223-1993-4.
• Scott, Emmett J. (1920). Negro Migration during the State of war.
• Sugrue, Thomas J. (2008). Sweet Country of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Ceremonious Rights in the North. Random Firm. ISBN978-0-8129-7038-viii.
• Tolnay, Stewart E. "The African American" Great Migration" and Across." Almanac Review of Sociology (2003): 209-232. in JSTOR
• Tolnay, Stewart E. "The great migration and changes in the northern black family, 1940 to 1990." Social Forces (1997) 75#4 pp: 1213–1238.
• Trotter, Joe William, ed. The Bully Migration in historical perspective: New dimensions of race, class, and gender (Indiana University Printing, 1991)
• Wilkerson, Isabel (2010). The Warmth of Other Suns: The Epic Story of America's Keen Migration. Random Business firm. ISBN978-0-679-60407-5. OCLC 741763572.

External links [edit]

• "The Neat Migration". Digital Public Library of America . Retrieved January 2, 2019.
• Schomburg Heart's In Movement: The African-American Migration Feel
• Upwardly from the Bottoms: The Search for the American Dream, (DVD on the GREAT MIGRATION)
• George Rex, "Goin' to Chicago and African American 'Groovy Migrations'", Southern Spaces, December two, 2010.
• West Chester University, Goin' North: Stories from the First Dandy Migration to Philadelphia.

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Great_Migration_(African_American)

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